Quote on Character
Character cannot be developed in ease and quiet. Only through experience of trial and suffering can the soul be strengthened, vision cleared, ambition inspired, and success achieved.
— Helen Keller
In Perak crisis, frustration describes public sentiment
But it was Subramaniam Pillay, an unknown economist with social pressure group Aliran, who probably articulated public frustration over the power grab by Barisan Nasional (BN) which has plunged Perak into chaotic battle for control with Pakatan Rakyat (PR) that is being played out in various courts.
“I’ve absolutely lost hope in our current judiciary,” said the Teluk Intan native.
Subramaniam was referring to recent court rulings which appears to have ignored the doctrine of separation of powers and also constitutional provisions which say the judiciary cannot rule on proceedings of legislative assemblies.
“Give everybody a chance so everything is aired and then we come to a decision, whichever way it goes then the public will understand why the decisions were made and were not simply arbitrary decisions,” he said in commenting about the swiftness in which various legal disputes are being disposed.
“This is the perception of not just me but many Malaysians. We’ve lost faith in the courts. That’s bad because it has severe consequences to the economy.
“All this is bad for the economy of a country because it will deter foreign investments,” said the economics lecturer, adding it reduced the public’s overall respect for the law at a crucial time when the country needed to create a climate of stability.
However, Subramaniam also pointed out the Perak crisis was a “blessing in disguise” as it would ultimately benefit the public, especially Perakians, even though they may have lost the government they had voted in at last year’s general elections.
He noted a greater public awareness of their rights, which would force the political parties to buck up and become more service-oriented or face the voters’ displeasure.
He called for an overhaul of public institutions such as the Election Commission and the recently-created Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC) and raised the idea of creating an Anti-Hopping law, to ensure voters get the last say in who represents them in parliament.
Of the three speakers, Subramaniam received the loudest applause from the audience.
This was despite the presence of the two stars in Thomas, a constitutional law expert who represented Perak Speaker V. Sivakumar in court recently and Shafee, a veteran lawyer who had previously acted for BN.
Thomas offered the forum an insightful view from the Speaker’s perspective.
He questioned the federal court’s haste in wrapping up the legal wrangling between the two political rivals without carefully considering the consequences of its decisions.
“In constitutional law, there is no doctrine of automatic dissolution,” said Thomas, pointing to a lack of description for such under Article 36 of the Perak Constitution.
He attacked the idea put up by BN on the need to resolve the legal dispute before May 7, its self-imposed deadline to avoid an automatic dissolution of the state legislature.
Shafee presented arguments from BN’s perspective.
He argued that the “crisis” proper began right after the general elections on March 8 last year, when DAP, PKR and Pas formed a “loose federation” to persuade the Sultan of Perak to allow them to govern the state even though BN had the majority votes in the Assembly as a “solid federation”.
He explained the present “crisis” arose only because PR refused to admit defeat despite the alliance having realistically lost its majority.
Shafee defended the court’s apparent hasty rulings as a “sarcastic” attempt to follow the new Chief Justice’s directive to improve the delivery of justice as many court cases had piled up over the years.
What will irritate them the most?
Malaysia Today
Everyone breathed a sigh of relief. I was mere seconds away from being sent back to Kamunting. Malik was just about to inform the court that we were giving it a walkover. And, suddenly, the court changed its mind and said, yes, it will give us the time we requested after all.
NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin
Recently, the new Information, Communication and Culture Minister Rais Yatim hosted a dinner for 50 ‘prominent’ socio-political bloggers at a local restaurant in a move to engage the New Media.
Raja Petra Kamarudin and his gang of Barisan Rakyat bloggers were not invited; to ask the reason why would be stupid of me.
This is the same 3-in-1 Minister who not long ago warned bloggers “not to twist the truth or face the music”. It was a naked threat for bloggers to toe the line or face the full force of the law, no matter how unjust the laws are in the repression of our right to free speech.
Such laws are often described as ‘draconian’.
Draco was the law scribe called by the tyrannical nobilities in ancient Athens around the turn of the 7th century BC to codify all the unjust laws used to persecute the ordinary poor citizens. Draco’s laws were infamous for their severity of punishment, even for a minor crime like stealing an apple from an orchard. Death was the commonest punishment for both serious and minor crimes.
Of this grim code of laws, men said they were “written in blood”. That is how the term “draconian laws” came to be synonymous with pieces of harsh inhuman legislation.
Fortunately for ancient Athens, the tyrannical nobilities – especially the “accursed Alcmaeonidae” – were overthrown and banished. The great poet, statesman, and lawmaker, Solon, was authorised to prepare a new set of laws relieving the miseries of the poorer people of Athens. There is a historical lesson to be learned by Malaysians.
One of the people currently persecuted by our Malaysian version of draconian laws is RPK. He has even chosen to be a fugitive of these laws, choosing to exile himself from his home state. “They” are after his blood with “laws written in blood”. Only a change of government at the federal level can save him now, and we may not have to wait long for that to happen.
To 3-in-1 Minister, ‘go eat cake!’ by Sim Kwang Yang, Malaysiakini (Go here to read the rest of the article http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/103085)
I was just seconds away from being sent back to Kamunting. That was the day the Federal Court sat to hear the appeal against the Shah Alam High Court’s decision to release me from Internal Security Act detention on 7 November 2008.
It was a decision I took against the advice of my panel of lawyers. It was not until the morning of the hearing that we knew who the quorum of judges were going to be. We had asked for a quorum of seven — if not seven, then at least five. But the Federal Court would allow us only three. Why three? And whose decision was it that it should be three?
The decision was an ‘administrative decision’. In other words, all it needs is for a clerk in the court to decide that it should be three then it would be three. Can we appeal this? Is there a body or panel that can sit to hear our arguments as to why we want it to be more than three? No! It is a unilateral decision by someone unknown — a faceless and nameless person — in the court bureaucracy that makes that decision and the decision is final and undisputable.
That morning, to our horror, we found out that one of the three was Justice Augustine Paul. You might as well have asked Rosmah Mansor to hear my case. The effect would have been no different. Augustine Paul was my sworn enemy and, based on what I have said about him over the last ten years, I would be extremely surprised if he does not hate me like hell.
We informed the court that we would like to file an application for Augustine Paul to recuse but the court would not allow us time to do so. They did not want to waste any time, they said. They wanted to get my case over and done with that very day.
“Why did you not file your application earlier?” the court wanted to know. Why the rush? Why the need to make a decision on my case that very day? How could we file our application earlier when we did not know until that very morning that one of the three judges was going to be Augustine Paul?
We did try to find out earlier but the court refused to divulge who the judges were going to be. They would only tell us that it was going to be three judges. But they refused to tell us who these three are. So, not knowing who the judges were until that very morning itself, how could we have filed our application to recuse earlier?
Anyway, we raised all the issues as to why we objected to Augustine Paul and why he should recuse. If he did not, then we would need to file a formal application to get the court to order him to recuse.
And the strangest thing happened after that.
The court said no! They refuse to allow us time to file the application. The case has to proceed with no further delay. My lawyers were perplexed. Why the hurry? Can’t they allow us just another day or two to make a formal application?
Azhar stood up and walked over to the public gallery where I was seated.
“So, how Pete?” Azhar asked me.
“Walk off. If they refuse to allow us time to file our application then walk off. Boycott the hearing.”
Azhar hung his head low and shook it from side to side. “That would mean they would get judgment in default and they will send you back to Kamunting.”
“So be it.” I was determined not to give in even if it cost me my freedom.
I could see that Sam was utterly perturbed with my decision. “Then you had better get ready to run, and run far, if that is your decision.”
“No. No running. I will not allow them to say I am scared.”
“Fuck you! We went through all that trouble to get you out and you just volunteer to walk back into Kamunting.”
Sam walked out of court — I am not sure whether out of disgust with my decision or to get a nicotine fix. My wife was beginning to suspect that something was wrong. I would not look her in the face lest she read what was on my mind. She can always tell what I am thinking just by looking at me. I suppose after being together for more than 40 years that is inevitable.
Azhar walked back and whispered into Malik’s ear. Malik turned to look at me as if to get my confirmation that this is what I wanted. He need not have said anything. His look was enough to indicate that he had a question on his mind. I nodded, indicating that what Azhar had whispered was correct.
Malik stood up to inform the court that the lawyers were going to stage a walkout. In short, we are boycotting the hearing and the court can go fuck itself for all we care. But before Malik could open his mouth and say what he was about to say, the court suddenly did a U-turn and agreed to give us time.
Everyone breathed a sigh of relief. I was mere seconds away from being sent back to Kamunting. Malik was just about to inform the court that we were giving it a walkover. And, suddenly, the court changed its mind and said, yes, it will give us the time we requested after all.
I had just bought myself six extra days of freedom.
The second time the court sat I did not attend. This was not my decision but that of the lawyers. They expected the court to turn down all our applications and rush through with a decision. This means, if I were in court, they would detain me on the spot and whisk me back to Kamunting. And the same as for the third hearing six days later — I also did not attend the hearing.
True enough, our application for another court to hear our application to recuse Augustine Paul was rejected. The same Federal Court that was hearing the appeal against my release wanted to hear the application to recuse Augustine Paul.
How can that be? We are asking that this judge be disqualified and the same judge is being asked to hear the application to disqualify him? Which judge would agree that he is not suited to be a judge? This was ludicrous.
No, Augustine Paul would not be asked to hear the application to disqualify him. He will be asked to leave the room, leaving the other two judges to hear the application. Two judges? We wanted seven. If we cannot have seven, at least five. But you insist on only three. Now you are giving us only two judges? This was getting even more ludicrous.
We objected to this decision but our objection was shot down. Two, and only two, judges will be hearing our application. Malik pointed out that this was illegal and unconstitutional. He argued his case well. He even showed the court where it says that two judges just cannot sit to hear our application.
The court just brushed aside Malik’s arguments. Two judges would sit to hear our application. And the two judges that sat ruled: Augustine Paul need not recuse. He need not be disqualified from hearing the appeal against my release.
Malik then informed the court that, under the circumstances, a sitting of two judges would be unconstitutional and unlawful and he further informed the court that we reserve the right to challenge the decision of the court. Justice Nik Hashim shot back arrogantly: “You can do what you want”. Then Nik Hashim declared that Augustine Paul “could now take his rightful place on the bench”.
That was the last straw. The remark that Augustine Paul “could now take his rightful place on the bench” showed that, in the mind of the court, they had prejudged the case. It was futile to even continue with the hearing. They had written their judgement even before the hearing started.
After that, every application and objection that we raised was shot down, one by one. In some instances, the court would not even demonstrate patience and they just brushed aside whatever we raised without giving us time to present our arguments.
When Azhar informed the court that we would like to present our evidence, Augustine Paul asked Azhar what the relevance of the further evidence was. Azhar replied that it was to establish a jurisdictional error on the part of the Minister as detention under the Internal Security Act was intended to be preventive to avoid further threat. Augustine Paul exclaimed in a dismissive manner “What jurisdictional error?” and subsequently dismissed the application.
Yes, that was how the appeal hearing at the Federal Court was conducted. It just brushed aside everything that was raised and refused to consider whatever was argued, even when it was pointed out that the law and the Constitution allows our applications or arguments.
Classifying the appeal against my release from ISA detention as a kangaroo court would be putting it mildly. However, after all that hullabaloo in the Federal Court and the hurry-burry attitude it had demonstrated, the Federal Court suddenly went very quiet. For two months now nothing has been heard from them. Why?
I did not realise that something was amiss until much later. Around the time of the three by-elections, there were massive traffic jams all over the Kelang Valley because of police roadblocks that had been set up. I was not in town then.
A friend sent me a SMS about the matter and I replied I had already been informed about it. “Do you know?” my friend replied, “that some of the police are your fans?”
“Why do you say that?” I asked.
“Because I saw one holding your photograph.”
I don’t know whether he was just plain naïve or this was his attempt at tongue-in-cheek. Nevertheless, this triggered off the alarm bells in my head and I called up an Umno friend who owed me a favour, big-time.
“Your file is on Najib’s table,” my Umno contact told me. “I attended a meeting where you and Anwar were discussed. Najib told us that you and Anwar have to be dealt with as soon as possible. He wants you both out of action.”
I called up Anwar and he confirmed that he too had received the same information. So it must be true then. My Umno contact then told me a very interesting story.
It seems the AG had summoned the DPP handling my two court cases, Roslan Md Noh, and asked him whether they can secure a conviction in my sedition and criminal defamation trials. Roslan replied that they really don’t have a case against me and should actually consider dropping the charges.
The AG went berserk. He shouted at Roslan and said that Roslan is negative and has an attitude problem. He then removed Roslan from my case and appointed Shahidani Abd Aziz as his replacement. Roslan was then sent into cold storage at the industrial court. That is probably the end of Roslan’s career so he might as well resign from the government and go into private practice.
“They are going to detain you on the 23rd when you attend your sedition trial,” my Umno contact told me.
“How do you know,” I asked him.
“Okay, if on the 23rd Roslan does not turn up and if, instead, Shahidani turns up in his place, then you will know my information is correct.”
I informed one of my lawyers about this matter so that no one can say this is after-the-fact information.
“They know they can’t win their case against you. Roslan has already told the AG this. The only way they can silence you is to send you back to Kamunting under a fresh detention order. That is why they have gone cold on the appeal. They are no longer interested in the appeal because they have issued a new detention order. You turn up in court on the 23rd and you will be back in Kamunting the same day.”
I did not respond to this. I did not know how to.
“Do you know what they fear most?” my Umno contact asked me.
“That I will launch a hunger strike and die in prison?”
“No. They don’t care about that. They are going to set up CCTVs in your cell so that they can prove to the world you caused your own death and that the authorities tried their best to convince you to eat to save your life.”
“Come on Pete. They are ready for you. They know your only weapon is a hunger strike and that you plan to use it. You have been detained twice before and each time you launched a hunger strike while under detention. They are well prepared for that. It will not work the third time.”
“Okay,” I replied. “Then what are they most worried about?”
“They are most worried that you will disappear or go underground or overseas where they can’t touch you and where you will become even more dangerous. That is the greatest fear.”
Hmmm…..interesting. Now that is a thought. They are expecting me to surrender and then launch a hunger strike while under detention. What if I do what they did not expect and what they fear most? That would really knock them off-guard.
Ooooo…..I just love it when I have a devious mind. It is so…..so……so me.
Does Umno care what Malaysians think? — The Malaysian Insider
“This is a party which has celebrated chauvinists, defended the corrupt and provided refuge for individuals with question marks draped over themselves”
The Malaysian Insider
APRIL 24 — Come on Malaysia, stop feigning surprise and indignation.
Umno has always had a different value system from the rest of the country.
This is a party which has celebrated chauvinists, defended the corrupt and provided refuge for individuals with question marks draped over themselves.
So why should it surprise Malaysians that Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor (V K Lingam video clip fame) was re-appointed as the secretary-general of the ruling party and Malacca Chief Minister Datuk Seri Ali Rustam (corruption) and Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz (Approved Permits) were appointed to the supreme council by Datuk Seri Najib Razak.
Their appointments merely confirm what many suspected — the bar is much lower for Umno. It also suggests that despite all the flowery talk of change, the new prime minister cannot toss out realpolitik considerations when making decisions on the country or party.
There was a major spin campaign by the Najib camp after he unveiled his Cabinet line-up several weeks ago.
They noted how several individuals touched by scandal were dropped from the line-up of ministers and how this signaled a desire by the PM to start with a clean slate.
Much of that spiel was puff and fluff.
More than eighty per cent of those appointed ministers were old faces and a sprinkling of them had dodgy records.
The fact is that Najib had to fall in line and follow the old BN formula of picking the Cabinet.
He had to reward component parties and loyalists, and make sure all states had representatives as ministers.
That is why the slim line Cabinet was jettisoned for a bloated one.
Similar considerations were at play today when he appointed Ku Nan, Ali and Rafidah.
Najib wants to be inclusive and cast his dragnet as wide as possible. He wanted Tengku Adnan Mansor because this chap is an operator, a true party warlord who can organise the troops and get his hands dirty if the need arises. He is also fiercely loyal to the party president.
So what if the Putrajaya MP was censured by the Royal Commission on the VK Lingam video clip for being one of the main actors who fixed the appointment and promotion of judges.
So what if the commission recommended that authorities investigate him and others for a slew of offences?
The commission in its report last year said that “having regard to the totality of the evidence and for the reasons stated, we are of the view that there was, conceivably, an insidious movement by Lingam with the covert assistance of his close friends, Vincent Tan and Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, to involve themselves actively in the appointment of judges, in particular, the appointment of Tun Ahmad Fairuz Abdul Halim as the Chief Judge of Malaya and subsequently as Court of Appeal president.’’
The Attorney-General has since said that no further action will be taken against some of the individuals implicated.
But truth be told, Ku Nan’s involvement in this sorry episode was never a problem with Umno members.
They could not understand what the fuss of judge fixing was all about.
Indeed, they were upset that the Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi administration made public the commission’s report.
In Ali’s case, he was probably co-opted into the supreme council to assuage his supporters who remain upset that he was barred from contesting the number two spot in the party after being found guilty of money politics by the Umno Disciplinary Board.
The Chief Minister who upset the Chinese community with some pointed barbs has played the role of loyal party man since being prevented from taking part in the party polls.
While chief ministers and mentris besar are usually appointed to the supreme council, if Najib wanted to make a statement about the importance integrity in Umno he could have overlooked Ali.
But… Rafidah’s inclusion is not surprising.
Najib wants to close ranks in Wanita Umno and send a message that winners don’t gain everything, and losers don’t lose everything.
Despite being backed by Najib’s supporters, the former Minister of International Trade and Industry was thumped by Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil for the top position in the women’s wing.
She was one of the Umno officials who played a critical role in convincing Abdullah that he would not be able to obtain 58 nominations from the divisions to defend the party president’s position.
Rafidah was a minister in Abdullah’s first term as PM but had to live with a big cloud over her head after Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad questioned her over the distribution of Approved Permits.
She denied any wrongdoing but the former prime minister has never retracted his allegations that there was abuse in the AP scheme. More recently, the Opposition has alleged that APs were given to a company owned by her relatives.
Still, these allegations and question marks over her character may not matter much in Umno. So there is little downside for Najib to have appointed her to the supreme council.
What lesson should Malaysians take from this exercise?
Simple, that there is one set of standard for the men and women of Umno and a higher set for the rest of the country.
It has been that way for a long time.
Does the party care what the rest of the country thinks? Apparently not.
Pengajaran PAS dalam Barisan Nasional
Harakah Daily
Ketika Allahyarham Tun Razak Hussein mengajak Dato’ Asri Muda supaya ditubuhkan kerajaan campuran pada awal 1970-an, ia dilakukan dalam kedudukan setaraf. Apa yang hendak ditubuhkan bukannya kerajaan campuran Umno-PAS tetapi Perikatan-PAS. Kedudukan PAS ketika itu bukanlah menerima kepimpinan Umno tetapi duduk bersama dan setaraf dengan Perikatan yang terdiri daripada Umno, MCA dan MIC. Ketika itu, Perikatan Sarawak dan Sabah adalah dalam hubungan yang berbeza.
Setelah berlaku Peristiwa 13 Mei, tentunya suasana telah berubah yang menuntut supaya parti-parti politik kurangkan politiking dan sebaliknya menumpukan kepada pembangunan. Juga dengan mengambil kira kepentingan orang Melayu, PAS yang banyak berkempen atas isu-isu Melayu dalam pilihan raya umum tahun 1969 menerima pelawaan Tun Razak.
Dengan penubuhan kerajaan campuran, ia bermakna kerajaan negeri persekutuan, Kelantan, Terengganu dan Kedah menjadi kerajaan campuran Perikatan-PAS. Asri Muda menjadi menteri, Mustafa Ali menjadi timbalan menteri, sementara Adun Perikatan menjadi ahli Exco di Kelantan, begitulah jadinya.
Namun begitu, apabila persetujuan telah disampaikan, pengumuman untuknya ditangguhkan. Ini kerana jika diumumkan bahawa berlaku kerjasama Perikatan-PAS, maka akan timbul syak wasangka di kalangan orang bukan Melayu kalau-kalau ia merupakan penubuhan kerajaan Melayu bersatu, maka ia menjadi kerajaan Umno-PAS dengan meminggirkan parti-parti MCA dan MIC.
Justeru, rundingan dibuat dengan Gerakan di mana parti itu bersetuju menubuhkan kerajaan campuran Perikatan-Gerakan di Pulau Pinang. Setelah dipersetujui, pengumuman kerajaan campuran di Pulau Pinang didahulukan daripada Perikatan-PAS. Maka tidaklah timbul perasaan bahawa kerajaan Melayu bersatu akan ditubuhkan.
Cara berpolitik Tun Razak ketika itu ialah untuk mempelawa semua parti politik masuk ke dalam kerajaan. Maka turut diundang ialah DAP dan Parti Sosialis Rakyat Malaya (PSRM). DAP menolak, mungkin antara lain kerana kejayaan dalam pilihan raya 1969 menunjukkan bahawa ia mempunyai potensi untuk menjadi pembangkang lebih kuat.
Kalau pada tahun 1964, cawangan PAP yang merupakan asal usul DAP gagal dalam pilihan raya, tetapi dalam pilihan raya umum tahun 1969, ia berjaya. Apa yang jelas ia sedang mengambil alih pengaruh yang ditinggalkan oleh Parti Buruh yang dibubarkan kerana tidak menghantar laporan tahunan kepada Pendaftar Pertubuhan.
Penolakan terhadap pelawaan Tun Razak itu mungkin merupakan sesuatu yang pelik. Ini kerana dalam tahun 1964, penyertaan PAP dalam pilihan raya umum adalah untuk menentang MCA, dan bukannya Umno. Ia berazam untuk menggantikan MCA dalam Perikatan. Apa yang berlaku ialah DAP menggantikan vakum yang ditinggalkan oleh Parti Buruh.
Undi milik Parti Buruh sudah berpecah tiga. Sebahagiannya pergi ke DAP, sebahagiannya ke Gerakan, dan sebahagiannya pergi ke PSRM yang gagal memberikan sebarang bekas. Selepas tahun 1964, PSRM dan Parti Buruh berpecah akibat isu bahasa, dan ia meruntuhkan pakatan mereka dalam Front Sosialis. Gerakan pula mewarisi Parti Demokratsi Bersatu (UDP) yang ditubuhkan oleh mereka yang keluar daripada MCA.
PSRM enggan menyertai kerajaan campuran dengan Perikatan kerana percaya adalah baik bagi negara, khususnya orang Melayu jika ia kekal sebagai pembangkang. Dengan penyertaan PAS ke dalam kerajaan campuran Perikatan, maka orang Melayu perlukan parti pembangkang dan ini ditawarkan oleh PSRM.
Sememangnya aliran pemikiran Tun Razak ketika itu ialah penubuhan kerajaan satu parti, suatu pemikiran sosialis dunia ketiga pada zaman itu, untuk mendapatkan kestabilan politik. Malah kepercayaan ini turut digalakkan dalam akhbar-akhbar arus perdana ketika itu. Pada mula ia ditubuhkan, Barisan Nasional mempunyai komponen yang setaraf.
Bagaimanapun lambat laun, Umno mula mahu menunjukkan taring dan menjadi dominan. Perangai Umno ini tidak perlu dihairankan. Barisan Nasional telah berubah menjadi konsep barisan bersatu yang diamalkan oleh banyak parti komunis dunia. Pada mulanya mereka mengajak parti-parti lain supaya bergabung menentang musuh bersama. Tetapi setelah berjaya, yang dominan adalah parti komunis sementara yang lain hanyalah tinggal simbolik. Gejala ini berlaku di Rusia, China, Korea dan Vietnam.
Usaha Umno menjadi dominan bermula apabila ia terlibat meminggirkan Parti Kebangsaan Sabah Bersatu (USNO) untuk digantikan dengan Parti Berjaya. Perkara yang sama juga berlaku di Kelantan. Umno campur tangan dalam hal dalaman PAS. Akhirnya PAS dipinggirkan dan digantikan dengan Barisan Jemaah Islamiah Semalaysia (Berjasa).
Lihatlah, nama Berjasa adalah hampir sama dengan Berjaya. Setelah memecat PAS dan digantikan dengan Berjasa, maka rakyat tersedar bahawa Kelantan sudah dikuasai oleh Umno. Siapakah Ketua Pemuda Berjasa ketika itu? Ia adalah Ibrahim Ali.
Sistem dua parti
Jadi katakan anak Tun Razak, Najib mahu melakukan kaedah yang serupa. Cuma bezanya pada zaman ini pemikiran satu parti sudah tidak popular. Dunia komunis dan satu parti sudah tumbang. Banyak negara beralih ke aliran sistem dua parti. Maka dalam konteks Malaysia, sistem yang patut dituruti ialah Barisan Nasional dan Pakatan Rakyat sebagai dua parti utama dalam sistem ini.
Tetapi katakan Najib mempelawa PAS menyaertai Barisan Nasional. Ia bermakna PAS akan duduk di bawah Umno. Tentu PAS tidak mahu. Tetapi katakan dicadangkan supaya diadakan kerajaan campuran Barisan Nasional-PAS. Adakah PAS bersedia? Kalau dahulu, PAS hanya memerintah sendiri di Kelantan, maka mudahlah ia berkira-kira.
Tetapi kini kemenangan PAS di banyak kawasan pilihan raya, khususnya kerajaan negeri Kedah adalah bergantung kepada penyokong parti komponen Pakatan Rakyat lainnya, bukan saja KeADILan, malah DAP. Jika PAS menerima pelawaan Barisan Nasional, maka Pakatan Rakyat akan tumbang, baik di Kedah mahupun di Selangor.
Bukan itu saja, PAS akan berpecah dengan sebahagiannya tidak mahu menyertai kerajaan campuran Barisan Nasional. Dengan perpecahannya, PAS jadi lemah. Pada tahun 1974 apabila PAS menyertai Barisan Nasional, sebahagian ahlinya turut keluar parti, yang lain pula menubuhkan parti baru bernama Kesatuan Insaf Tanah Air (KITA).
Di pihak Gerakan pula, penyertaannya ke dalam Barisan Nasional, menyebabkan sebahagian ahlinya keluar parti. Mereka menubuhkan Parti Keadilan Masyarakat (Pekemas). Tetapi dalam pilihan raya tahun 1974, Barisan Nasional menang besar.
KITA, Pekemas, PSRM dan DAP kecundang.
Namun begitu kemenangan Barisan Nasional itu menyemai bibit-bibit kelemahan kepada parti komponennya khususnya PAS, Gerakan dan Parti Progresif rakyat (PPP). Ketiga-tiga parti ini tidak boleh berdiri sendiri setelah memasuki Barisan Nasional. Itulah yang berlaku dalam pilihan raya umum tahun 1978, 1082 dan 1986 apabila PAS berterusan kalah.
Andai kata Najib hendak mengajak PAS, beliau mungkin mengikut jejak bapanya dengan turut mempelawa parti-parti lain iaitu KeADILan dan juga DAP. DAP mungkin tidak ikut serta tetapi KeADILan mungkin berpecah. Maka katakan PAS dan KeADILan terima pelawaan Barisan Nasional, maka Pakatan Rakyat akan lemah. Ia tetap ada dengan serpihan PAS dan KeADILan yang enggan ikut serta.
Maka Umno akan dapat teruskan pentadbiran seperti biasa dengan sedikit transformasi. Pada waktu lain apabila kekuatan sudah dipulihkan, maka PAS dan KeADILan yang dalam Barisan Nasional akan disingkirkan. Tetapi pada masa akan datang zaman sudah berubah. Rakyat tidak akan terikat ada mana-mana parti politik. Apa yang dituntut ialah penyelesaian isu-isu yang tertunggak saban pilihan raya. – azm _
Khir Toyo plays the reformist
The Malaysian Insider
SHAH ALAM, April 25 — Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, who is known to be a champion of the “Malay unity” cause, is now urging the government to open up more of the economy to non-Malays.
The Selangor opposition leader, who had been critical of the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) for appointing a non-Bumiputera to head PKNS last year, also wants more government jobs to be given to non-Malays.
In an interview with The Malaysian Insider yesterday, the former Selangor mentri besar said the New Economic Policy (NEP) policy had failed to meet its targets and should be reformulated in line with the prime minister’s 1 Malaysia vision.
He said the measures were necessary if BN wanted to attract lost support from the non-Malay communities and young voters in the next general election.
“Real changes and not window dressing are needed in order for Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1 Malaysia vision to become reality.”
He said in his opinion, 1 Malaysia meant the country belonged to all races and no one should be left out economically.
Dr Mohd Khir also urged the government to open more sub-sectors to non-Malays especially in local authorities and for more government jobs to be set aside for them.
He pointed out that the Indian community was especially in need of help.
“I realised this a bit too late, and only during my fifth year as mentri besar, because I was not told about how bad things were for them.”
He said he only knew something was seriously wrong when informed by the police that 40 per cent of crimes committed involved the Indian community.
He said he was shocked to learn that some estate workers earned between RM400 and RM500 a month only when he visited an estate in Kuala Selangor.
He claimed that he then set aside RM3 million annually for them.
Dr Mohd Khir said the new Najib administration had made a mistake by abolishing the Entrepreneur and Cooperative Development Ministry as it could have been reformed and used as a vehicle to develop entrepreneurs among all races.
“Special attention should still be given to Malays but deputy ministers should be appointed to look after the Indian and Chinese communities.”
PENANTI: Najib menanti mesyuarat biro politik
Suara Keadilan
KEPUTUSAN Presiden Umno Najib Tun Razak untuk menunggu mesyuarat biro politik Umno bagi membuat keputusan sama ada bertanding pilihanraya kecil Penanti atau tidak menunjukan beliau takut untuk berhadapan dengan rakyat.
Menurut Ahli Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi KeADILan Badrul Hisham Shahrin, secara rasionalnya Najib tidak mahu dimalukan dengan kekalahan sekali lagi selepas kalah beberapa pilihanraya sebelum ini.
“Najib terpaksa menunggu untuk membuat keputusan selepas mesyuarat biro politik Umno, nampak sangat Najib takut untuk membuat keputusan,” katanya kepada Suara Keadilan Online pagi ini.
Najib Tun Razak yang juga pengerusi biro politik berkata keputusan berkenaan diambil dalam mesyuarat majlis tertinggi semalam yang diadakan kali pertama semejak Najib mengantikan Abdullah Badawi
Kata Badrul lagi, Najib adalah satu-satunya Presiden Umno seterusnya Perdana Menteri yang takut untuk membuat keputusan sama ada bertanding atau tidak.
“Ini kerana Najib tahu keputusan yang bakal diambil bukan sahaja mampu merosakan parti, malah beliau bakal menghancurkan negara,” katanya.
Kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri Penanti kosong selepas penyandangnya, Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin menyerahkan surat perletakan jawatan 16 April lepas kepada Speaker Dun.
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