THE MIGHT OF THE PEN
July 05, 2009 | Dessy Sagita | The Jakarta Globe | Edited By The Mighty Pen
The mother of teenage model Manohara Odelia Pinot on Sunday denied she had borrowed money Muhammad Fakhry. Daisy Fajarina was reacting to news reports in Malaysia that Fakhry had filed two applications in a Shariah court over the weekend — one seeking reconciliation with Manohara and the other ordering Daisy and Manohara to repay him an alleged debt of 972,750 Malaysian ringgit ($275,834). “That’s not true, we don’t owe him money,” Daisy told the Jakarta Globe.
Daisy said Fakhry was making money an issue to distract attention from the real issue, which was that he had barred Manohara from earning a living by forbidding her to work.
“She had wonderful opportunities to work and to earn a lot of money but he forbade her and then sent her an allowance, which was really not a big deal of money,” she said. “Mano doesn’t need him or his money, we never needed him at all.”
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THE MIGHT OF THE PEN
Friday, July 3rd, 2009:
Kadar Shah Sulaiman Ninam Shah should offer proof that his involvement in the Manohara saga was carried out at the behest of the Kelantan palace. A source from the Society of The Kelantan Royalty (Pertubuhan Kerabat DiRaja Kelantan) told Malay Mail that if Kadar Shah had actually obtained the palace’s blessing, he should furnish the necessary evidence. “He should provide proof that he has the blessings of the royal household,” said the source.
Meanwhile, in a Press statement, the society’s president, Buddin Mohd Maasum, stated that Kadar Shah was not associated in any form with the society.
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THE MIGHT OF THE PEN
Jakarta 02/07/2009: The deadline given by Fakhry to Manohara comes to an end today. If Manohara does not return to Fakhry by today (02/07/2009), then he will proceed with legal action against Manohara. Some time around end June this year, Fakhry has issued an ultimatum to Manohara to return by July 02, 2009, as he is still her “legal” husband. If she fails to return to him by the said deadline, then he will proceed with necessary legal action in accordance to both Islamic Sharia laws and civil laws.
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Jan Egeland, the former UN Undersecretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Tuesday told the press that “Sri Lanka is one of the latest examples of the World community letting a government get away with denying access for the international community of witnesses, of humanitarian relief and protection for civilians,” adding that world governments failed what they swore in 2005 of the “responsibility to protect,” and that “for Tamil women” there were a “number of horrors.”
Egeland’s comment contrasts with the stand of his successor John Holmes who earlier commended the Sri Lanka’s treatment of the 300,000 civilians currently being held in internment camps in Vavuniyaa.
In preparation for the September 2005 United Nations Summit of world leaders, Kofi Annan presented a report, “In Larger Freedom,” which urged the Heads of State and Government to ”embrace the ‘responsibility to protect’ as a basis for collective action against genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.“ This was later formulated as the “R2P doctrine” of the UN.
“What happened to the Tamil women in Sri Lanka? We don’t even know. Because there was no access. What we can safely assume is that there were a number of horrors,” Egeland said.
“I can also safely assume that new conflicts will brew because injustice still prevails,” Egeland added.
Last week Inner City Press asked for the UN’s and Holmes’ response to the Sri Lanka government barring even UN workers from bringing cameras into the internment camps. “There was no response, nor to the disbanding of the investigation into killings such as that of 17 Action Contre la Faim aid workers near Kilinochchi,” Inner City Press reported.
It was a whirlwind romance which culminated in a fairytale wedding. But just months later, the royal marriage is on the rocks.
The ravishing former 17-year-old Indonesian model had publicly exposed the alleged torture she endured at the hands of her 32-year-old husband.
According to Manohara Odelia Pinot, her husband Tengku Muhammad Fakhry was anything but prince charming.
Since then, both the Malaysian and Indonesian media have been abuzz with reports of Manohara recalling her horrific experiences while the Kelantan prince denied them.
The sensational case also attracted the attention of media organisations around the world.
Come back or else…
In his first media statement since the controversy came to light in April, Tengku Muhammad has issued an ultimatum to his estranged wife.
The prince instructed his consort – who has since fled to Jakarta following a dramatic escape from Singapore – to return to his palace or face the consequences.
While the prince did not spell out what action he would take, filing for divorce will be one option.
“As her rightful husband, I am ordering that she as a loyal wife return to my side and execute her duties as a wife as stipulated by Islamic laws and as a princess,” he said.
“If she does not return as instructed by July 2, I will not hesitate to exercise my rights under the Islamic law and common law without referring to her,” he warned.
Tengku Muhammad also stressed that a wife’s place is with her husband.
“It is incumbent upon a wife to adhere to her husband’s orders as long as the orders do not contravene Islamic or common laws,” he said in the one-page statement.
Prince appoints two lawyers
The prince also revealed that he has appointed two lawyers, Zainul Rijar Abu Bakar and Mohd Haaziq Pillay, to oversee both the Islamic law and common law matters respectively.
Tengku Muhammad’s statement was released by Zainul’s firm, Zainul Rijal Talha & Amir.
Previously, Manohara had filed a police report in Jakarta against her husband and seven others.
She had also implicated the Kelantan sultan and his wife.
On June 11, Tengku Muhammad filed a police report in Kuala Lumpur denying the allegations and revealed that he is mulling taking legal action against Manohara and her mother Daisy Farjarina (photo).
Following this, Manohara appointed a Malaysian lawyer and an Indonesian news portal stated that she is considering three forms of actions – criminal prosecution, a civil suit and a divorce application.
One in four South African men questioned in a survey said they had raped someone, and nearly half admitted having attacked more than one victim.
The study, by the country’s Medical Research Council, also found three out of four who admitted rape had attacked for the first time during their teens.
It said practices such as gang rape were common because they were considered a form of male bonding.
The MRC spoke to 1,738 men in KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape provinces.
The research was conducted in both rural and urban areas and included all racial groups.
Using an electronic device to keep the results anonymous, the study found that 73% of respondents said they had carried out their first assault before the age of 20.
Almost half who said they had carried out a rape admitted they had done so more than once.
One in 20 men surveyed said they had raped a woman or girl in the last year.
Professor Rachel Jewkes of the MRC, who carried out the research, told the BBC’s World Today programme: “The absolute imperative is we have to change the underlying social attitudes that in a way have created a norm that coercing women into sex is on some level acceptable.
“We know that we have a higher prevalence of rape in South Africa than there is in other countries.
“And it’s partly rooted in our incredibly disturbed past and the way that South African men over the centuries have been socialised into forms of masculinity that are predicated on the idea of being strong and tough and the use of force to assert dominance and control over women, as well as other men.”
She added that all the victims in the main survey were said to be women, but participants were also interviewed about male rape.
‘Sad state of affairs’
The study found that one in 10 men said they had been raped by other men.
Some 3% of the men interviewed said they had coerced a man or a boy into sex.
The participants were also tested for HIV and the authors of the survey were surprised that men who had raped were not more likely to test positive for the virus.
Mbuyiselo Botha, from the South African Men’s Forum, which campaigns for women’s rights, told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme that any view of women as “fair game” had to be challenged.
Mr Botha, a father of two girls himself, said: “I think that yes, the figures are that high and for us, for me in particular, that is a very sad state of affairs.
“It means that we continue in South Africa to be one of the highest capitals of rape in the world.
“I don’t think it’s cultural per se; I think it has to do with how a lot of us men worldwide were raised. The issues of dominance against women, issues of inequality, are pervasive and you find them throughout the world.”
South Africa’s government has been repeatedly criticised for failing to address the country’s rape epidemic.
A recent trade union report said a child was being raped in South Africa every three minutes with the vast majority of those cases going unreported.
FROM THE MIGHT OF THE PEN WEBSITE
Like the South African leader Nelson Mandela before her, Aung San Suu Kyi, has come to be seen internationally as a symbol of heroic and peaceful resistance in the face of oppression. For the Burmese people, Aung San Suu Kyi represents their best and perhaps sole hope that one day there will be an end to the country’s military repression.
She was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1991. Her sons went to Oslo to accept the award on her behalf. At the presentation, the Chairman of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee, Francis Sejested, called her “an outstanding example of the power of the powerless”. “Aung San Suu Kyi cannot be silenced because she speaks the truth,” he said.
Now aged 64, Suu Kyi is the daughter of the late Burmese nationalist leader, General Aung San, whose resistance to British colonial rule culminated in Burma’s independence in 1948.
After attending school in the Burmese capital Rangoon, Aung San Suu Kyi lived in India, and then went to Britain for her University education. This is where she met and married her husband, Michael Aris, an Oxford University academic. Already then, Michael Aris knew his wife’s destiny might ultimately lie with Burma. “Before we were married I promised my wife that I would never stand between her and her country,” he says.
Aung San Suu Kyi first came to prominence when she returned to Burma in August 1988, with her husband and their two sons remaining in Britain. She became the leader of a burgeoning pro-democracy movement in the aftermath of the brutal repression of a pro-democratic uprising earlier that summer.
The movement quickly grew into a political party that went on to win an overwhelming majority 82% percent in national elections in 1990, by which time she had already been under house arrest for a year. The military regime, however, refused to relinquish power and stepped up intensified repression of her party, the National League for Democracy.
Martin Smith, a writer on Burmese affairs, says there are several reasons why Aung San Suu Kyi proved such a natural leader. “Her father was the founder of the democratic movement. So Suu Kyi in a way had inherited that kind of tradition. “But the second thing is of course down to Aung San Suu Kyi herself, her role in the democracy movement and her speeches about the need for change in Burmese society. “And I think there is a further thing she very much had on her side – that is her comparative youth in Burmese politics.”
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The family of murdered Mongolian model Altantuya Shaariibuu will have to wait for their day in court, to compel the attorney-general (AG) to appeal against Abdul Razak Baginda’s acquittal.
The hearing of their judicial application will only continue after further written submissions are made.
The matter came up in the Shah Alam High Court today before Judicial Commissioner Noraini Abdul Rahman, but another mention date was set on July 8.
This is to allow lawyer Karpal Singh (right), acting for Altantuya’s family, to submit his submission in reply.
The case will be mentioned before a deputy registrar on that day. Counsel Sangeet Kaur mentioned the case on behalf of Karpal this morning.
Senior federal counsel Kamaluddin Mohd Said represented the AG’s Chambers, while KK Wong appeared for Abdul Razak.
Mongolian honorary consul to Malaysia, Syed Abdul Rahman Al Habshi, was also present to monitor the progress of the case.
The case was filed on Dec 24 last year by Karpal on behalf of Altantuya’s father Dr Setev Shaariibuu (left).
In the application, they asked the court to quash the AG’s decision not to appeal Abdul Razak’s acquittal on an abetment charge in the murder.
They also want the court to direct the AG to use his discretionary powers under Article 145 (3) of the federal constitution to apply for leave to file an appeal.
Abdul Razak was acquitted and discharged on Oct 31 last year without his defence being called.
Shah Alam High Court judge Mohd Zaki Md Yasin had ruled that the prosecution had not proven a prima facie case, as a sworn affidavit by Abdul Razak was not rebutted.
AG’s discretionary power
Lead prosecutor Tun Abdul Majid Tun Hamzah announced two weeks later that the prosecution would not appeal, as the court had made a finding of fact in its decision.
AG Abdul Gani Patail (right) has since filed an affidavit, stating that the matter is non-justiciable based on Article 145 (3) of the constitution, which states that no one can question the chamber’s decision to prosecute or not file an appeal.
The article reads that the AG shall have power, exercisable at his discretion, to institute, conduct or discontinue any proceedings for an offence, other than proceedings before a Syariah court, a native court or a court-martial.
Abdul Gani had also submitted that Shaariibuu does not have locus standii (legal standing) in the case as the AG has represented the public interest.
Two special action squad members – Azilah Hadri, 33, and Sirul Azhar Umar, 37, – have been found guilty of the murder and sentenced to death. They have filed separate appeals.
Kamaluddin also stated that Shaariibuu’s RM100 million civil suit against the two policemen, Abdul Razak and the government is fixed for mention next month.
The AG’s chambers have requested Shaariibuu to deposit RM1 million in security to cover possible costs in the suit.
THE WEBSITE OF THE MIGHT OF THE PEN
“Kejadian itu terjadi sekitar pukul 11.00 WIB (Minggu 14/6) kemarin,” kata Farhad Abbas, pengacara Manohara, kepada detikcom, Senin (15/6/2009).
Farhad menjelaskan saat itu Dewi sedang menumpang mobil Toyota Camry yang dikemudikan sopirnya. Tiba-tiba saja sebuah Toyota Fortuner memepet mobil Dewi. “Sopirnya sempat ditempeleng,” kata Farhad.
Dewi telah melaporkan kasus tersebut ke Polda Metro Jaya Minggu malam. “Kami khawatir teror ini ada kaitannya dengan Manohara,” katanya. detiknews.
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After 9/11, Iranian-born photographer Abbas began a seven-year odyssey around Islamic countries. His striking images and diary chronicle the spread of a new orthodoxy, from African ports to the beaches of Asia
So we move on quickly to his startling new book, In Whose Name? The Islamic World After 9/11, a collection of 173 photographs taken during 7 years of travels in 16 Muslim countries after the terrorist attacks of 2001.
The pictures show a huge range of lives being lived across the Muslim world – children playing on streets in Zanzibar, artists at work in Iran, pilgrims in Mecca, football on the beach in Yemen. But they also show victims – witting and unwitting – of violence, of religious orthodoxy. They show young men maimed in religious conflicts, mourners, graves, women and girls vanishing behind niqabs and chadors, newly liberated Shi’ite men in Iraq flagellating themselves, a man and boy fashioning a satellite dish from tin cans in Kabul, a young girl hauling gravel from a Bangladeshi river.
In the travel diary that accompanies the pictures, Abbas explains, “I was born in a Muslim country and was steeped in its culture, which helped to form the person I am: this voyage was something I owed myself.” Now a non-believer, he laments what he sees as the “intellectual stagnation” of Islam, the “arrogance” of a religion that welcomes converts but considers it lawful to behead apostates, the way many of its followers are locked in the past. At one point he discovers the writings of Henri Michaux, a Belgian: “At last I’ve found a traveller… who doesn’t feel compelled to like the inhabitants of the countries he visits.”
Abbas’s argument is not with Islam, but with the Islamists – the political ideologues who have hijacked the faith, and the jihadists who use it to justify their violence. He decries the “creeping Islamisation” he found in almost every country – the building of ever more mosques, the relentless covering up of women, the censorship, the ever louder cries of muezzin calling people to prayer.
On an Indonesian beach he photographed women and children bathing fully clothed where they used to wear swimsuits: “Here we have an entire nation turning its back on its natural element, the tropical ocean, and adopting the customs of an imperialism derived from the desert.”
These are symptoms of a more worrying phenomenon, Abbas believes. “What Islamists have lost in terms of military effectiveness – and they’re relentlessly hounded by all the states – they gain daily through the spread of Islamic influence and ideas.” Muslim governments may be cracking down on the jihadists, but they are losing the battle for their peoples’ hearts and minds. Most are appeasing, not confronting, the Islamists in their midst, he says. “Many states are encouraging this Islamisation. Why? Because they think if they can ride the tiger they’ll be safe. They forget that’s what Pakistan did for many years and now the tiger has turned against them.”
They should be waging intellectual war with the extremists, challenging their self-serving interpretations of the Koran, he argues. “It’s not just fighting the jihadists – that’s simple. You catch a few guys, you put them in prison, you kill them – that’s easy. But fighting an ideology which draws its justification from what you all believe, which is the Koran – that’s more difficult.”
Abbas was briefly held captive by militiamen in southern Iraq, but declines to discuss his experiences: “The work is enough, no?” The only picture of himself in the book shows his face in a car mirror with a camera obscuring it.
For the record, he was born in Iran 65 years ago, and emigrated to France with his parents while still a boy. As a young photographer he covered the wars in Biafra and Vietnam. Later he worked in other hotspots – Bangladesh, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, Cuba, Chile and South Africa. More recently he has spent years at a time working on photographic essays – on Mexico, the Iranian Revolution and, from 1987 to 1994, on the resurgence of Islam.
He was in Siberia, photographing shamans for a book on animism, on September 11, 2001, when the World Trade Centre was destroyed 13 time zones away.
Three days later, on television, he saw a young British man of Pakistani origin yelling, “This is how every Muslim should die,” as he left a London mosque. A year later he visited Ground Zero and saw a cross that workmen had erected from steel beams salvaged from the rubble. It was, he says, “as if the workers who erected it wanted the world to know that it is not only their country that has come under attack but also their culture, their religion and their civilisation”.
At that point Abbas abandoned his animism project to try to answer the more pressing question: how would the umma – the world community of Muslims – react to the jihadists in their midst? The answer, he suggests, is that too many people are burying their heads in the sand.
Abbas expects In Whose Name? to be banned, officially or unofficially, in many Muslim countries. That is sad, he says. “My book is not meant for the West. I am telling Muslims, even intellectuals, to wake up. They are the ones who should read this book and look at the photographs.”
PHOTO GALLERY – JOURNEY INTO ISLAM