(SUARA KEADILAN)- Sebuah laman web yang didaftarkan atas nama Pahangdaily.blogspot.com melaporkan Saiful Bukhari Azlan sentiasa berhubung dengan pihak tertentu di Kementerian Pertahanan sebelum membuat laporan polis berhubung dengan dakwaan liwatnya.
Menurut blog itu, Saiful membuat sekurang-kurangnya enam panggilan ke Mindef sebelum laporan polis berkenaan dibuat pada Jun 2008.
Rekod panggilan tersebut turut mendedahkan Saiful berhubung secara langsung dengan pihak tertentu di Kementerian Pertahanan sejak Februari tahun lalu, iaitu sebulan sebelum beliau bekerja dengan Anwar Ibrahim, menurut blog itu.
Rekod panggilan itu turut mengesan Saiful sebagai berhubung dengan pihak tertentu di Mindef hampir setiap hari ketika beliau bekerja sebagai pembantu Anwar.
Ini menguatkan hujah bahawa ada tangan-tangan tersembunyi yang merencanakan ulangan konspirasi 1998 dalam satu lagi cubaan untuk menjatuhkan Anwar.
Rekod panggilan ke Mindef itu tentunya menimbulkan lebih banyak persoalan dan menguatkan teori konspirasi di peringkat tertinggi untuk menjatuhkan Anwar.
Blog Pahangdaily berkata Saiful tidak harus terlalu angkuh semata-mata kerana mempercayai beliau dilindungi oleh pihak-pihak tertentu.
“Kebenaran pasti akan terserlah jua nanti. Malah sumpah yang dipermainkan oleh Saiful juga banyak dilihat telah memakan dirinya sendiri dan menambahkan kekalutan kes ini,” ujar blog berkenaan.
Kita teruskan dengan bahagian 2 – 100 dalil ini. Dalam bahagian 2 ini – kita akan mengetahui kisah lanjut Najib dengan pendedahan seperti berikut :
Politik Najib di Pahang, peranan Dr Jamaluddin Jarjis – orang kuat Pahang dan tukang bedal harta Yayasan Pahang, Isu Najib dengan Dr Mahathir, Skandal projek Pahang sewaktu Najib MB Pahang, Benci Najib pada Anwar Ibrahim, Skandal seks Najib semasa MB Pahang dan Najib ceraikan Tengku Puteri.
THE MALAYSIAN INSIDERBy Syed Jaymal Zahiid
KUALA LUMPUR, June 24 – Datuk Seri Najib Razak appeared to play the religious and race card today when he appealed to PAS to reconsider the proposal for a unity government with Umno.
The Umno president also dismissed the notion that a unity government would fly in the face of his 1 Malaysia concept, even though a number of non-Muslim groups, including political parties in his Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, have expressed concern.
But he appealed to PAS to act in the name of Malay and Muslim unity.
“PAS should not let politics prevent it from doing something which is beneficial for Malay/Muslim unity,” he told reporters at a public function today when asked to comment on how many Malay groups had been disappointed with PAS for rejecting a unity government with Umno.
On Monday, Pakatan Rakyat (PR) leaders rejected Umno’s unity government proposal, and proclaimed all issues surrounding the fiasco which brought the fledgling opposition coalition on the brink of collapse resolved.
Instead, Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, who is also the de facto PKR leader, said the alliance of PAS, PKR and DAP would focus on their preparation for the next general election and a potential takeover of the federal government.
PAS continues to be in turmoil over the unity government proposal which not only affected ties with its political partners but has caused friction in the party as well.
Sensing the weakness in the opposition alliance, Umno has moved in an attempt to cause further division in PAS and in PR by pressing ahead with the concept of Malay and Muslim unity.
Today, Najib said that any move to strengthen Islam should be encouraged, in what was an obvious move to appeal to the concept of Islamic brotherhood within PAS.
The prime minister believed, however, that the country’s multi-racial nature would not be affected by a more united Malay-Muslim community.
“Just because there is a unity government does not mean the non-Muslims will be neglected. They will still have a role.”
THE MIGHT OF THE PEN
Despite strong protest from opposition lawmakers and amid heavy public criticism, Najib Razak’s government has hammered through a highly controversial DNA Bill that could help it win a sodomy case against Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. The democracy icon has pleaded not guilty to having sodomised an ex-staff in June last year, counter-accusing Najib of political persecution.
Indeed, not only has the U.S. State Department gone on record to say that it believes the charges were trumped up to tarnish Anwar, two separate medical reports – one from a government-run hospital – showed that the complainant had not been sodomised. “Pakatan Rakyat is convinced that the way and the manner they are rushing through and refusing to acknowledge valid criticism is clearly meant to be used during my trial,” Anwar told reporters at the sidelines of Parliament on Tuesday. His lawyers have already applied to strike out the case. It is due to be heard on July 8.
Although a year has passed, the public prosecutor has still failed to furnish Anwar’s legal team with key documents needed in their preparation of court submissions. This is another reason to believe that Najib may invoke the new law to force Anwar to furnish fresh DNA samples that can be manipulated to incriminate him. This is possible because the prosecution has kept the documents list under wraps and nobody knows what evidence it has.
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The rise of the East will change more than just economics. It will shake up the whole way that we think and live our lives
Let me give a few examples of how China will remain very different from the West. The nation state, a product of the European tradition, has become the primary defining entity of nations. The problem is that China is not really a nation state: it may have called itself one over the past century, but for the previous two millennia it was a civilisation state. For China, the nation state is the top soil and the civilisation state the geological formation.
The Chinese do not think of themselves in terms of nation but civilisation; it is the latter that gives them their sense of identity.
Although we tend to think of China in somewhat homogeneous terms, it is a continent that contains great diversity; and to govern a continent requires a plurality of systems that a nation state would never tolerate. The maxim of a nation state is “one nation, one system”; that of a civilisation state is, of necessity, “one country, several systems”.
Think back to the constitutional formula that underpinned the handover of Hong Kong: “one country, two systems”. Despite Western scepticism, the Chinese really meant it, as the Hong Kong of today clearly illustrates.
Now imagine what it might be like to have a civilisation state, rather than a nation state, as the world’s dominant power: the consequences are bound to be very far-reaching but very difficult to conceive because of its unfamiliarity.
Or take the tributary state system, which organised interstate relations in East Asia for thousands of years. It was a loose and flexible system of states that was organised around the dominance of China, the acceptance of the latter’s cultural superiority, and a symbolic tribute that was paid in return for the protection of the Chinese emperor. That system lasted until about 1900.
The deeply rooted attitudes that informed the tributary system have never really gone away, either on the part of the Chinese or others. Furthermore, the conditions that swept it away – the decline of China and the arrival of European colonialism (and the subsequent influence of the United States) – have disappeared or, in the case of America, is waning.
We are now witnessing the rapid reconfiguration of the region around a resurgent China. It is entirely plausible that we might once again see the return, in a modern context, of some elements of the tributary state system, thereby challenging the global dominance of that European invention (the Westphalian system) of sovereign, independent nation states.
There are other examples of how China will remain very different from the Western norms that we are so familiar with: unlike in Europe, the state has never had its powers curbed by competitors, giving it an unrivalled position at the heart of Chinese society; or its highly distinctive position on race, where about 92 per cent of the population believe that they are of one race; and the lack of a conception of, or respect for, difference that flows from this.
The rise of China will transform a world that presently conforms to a Western template. It will not happen quickly; not least because the Chinese are, for now, too preoccupied with economic growth and escaping from poverty to entertain such questions. But in time that will change as the country becomes more prosperous and people can afford to raise their sights and entertain other ambitions. In the 19th century, Europe left a profound and indelible impression on the world, marking the birth of the Western(-made) world. That era is now in retreat.
The rise of China signals the slow dawning of a very different era in which Chinese influence will become profound.
The renminbi will replace the dollar as the world’s dominant currency. The international financial system will be remade in China’s financial centre, Shanghai. Mandarin, already spoken by twice as many people as English, will become a lingua franca just like English is now.
The great landmarks of Chinese history – the voyages of Zheng He, the formation of the Qin dynasty, the inventions of the Song dynasty, the 1949 revolution – will become universally familiar.
Confucius will take his place as a philosopher of global, not just Chinese, signficance. Chinese film, already popular in the West through movies such as Hero and Curse of the Golden Flower will exercise a growing influence on the popular imagination. Beijing, rather than New York, will be the global reference point. Chinese traditional medicine, based on principles very different from Western, will become widespread across the globe.
Our children and grandchildren will grow up in a world that is increasingly unfamiliar to us, where the old Western furniture can no longer be taken for granted. For the first time for more than two centuries Westerners will be obliged to adapt to and learn from other cultures in a quite novel way. It will be a highly disorientating and disconcerting process.
Martin Jacques is author of When China Rules the World: the Rise of the Middle Kingdom and the End of the Western World (Allen Lane £30)
KUALA LUMPUR, 23 Jun (Hrkh) – Mursyidul Am PAS, Dato’ Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat mengumumkan menarik balik kenyataannya menggesa Timbalan Presiden, Ustaz Nasharuddin Mat Isa meninggalkan PAS dan meletakkan jawatan ahli parlimen Bachok jika menyokong cadangan kerajaan perpaduan dengan Umno.
Nik Abdul Aziz yang juga Menteri Besar Kelantan menegaskan demikian dalam satu kenyataan yang dibaca selepas satu perjumpaan khas hampir dua jam, mulai 5 petang semalam di pejabat agung PAS di ibu negara.
Berikut adalah kenyataan penuh beliau:
“Setelah berbincang dari awal hingga akhir dalam perjumpaan khas yang diadakan di pejabat agung (PAS) dalam semangat kekeluargaan bagi menangani permasalahan dalam beberapa isu politik semasa, yang dibesar-besarkan oleh media perdana, kami akhirnya bersetuju sebulat suara melupakan perihal salah tanggapan antara pimpinan atasan parti akibat daripada permainan politik parti Umno.
“Kami bersama-sama dalam satu saf yang padu, untuk terus bersama-sama memperjuangkan keazaman PAS bagi mendaulat Islam di persada tanahair.
“Kami juga bersetuju sebulat suara bahawa kerajaan perpaduan diberhentikan serta merta seperti yang telah diputuskan oleh Presiden PAS bersama Pakatan Rakyat dalam satu kenyataan bersama di bangunan Parlimen jam 2.30 tadi yang menolak sepenuhnya idea kerajaan perpaduan.
“Oleh yang demikian, selaras dengan itu, saya selaku Mursyidul Am PAS menarik balik segala kenyataan saya terhadap YB Ustaz Nasharuddin Mat Isa, Timbalan Presiden PAS dan dengan itu, ianya tidak berbangkit lagi.”
Perjumpaan khas itu turut dihadiri oleh Nasharuddin, Dato’ Seri Abdul Hadi Awang; Timbalan Mursyidul Am, Dato’ Dr Haron Din; Naib Presiden – Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, Salahuddin Ayub dan Dato’ Mahfuz Omar, Setiausaha Agung PAS, Dato’ Mustafa Ali, bekas naib presiden, Ahmad Awang, Ketua Dewan Pemuda PAS , Nasruddin Hassan dan Ketua Muslimat Nuridah Salleh. – azm _
THE MALAYSIAN INSIDERBy Asrul Hadi Abdullah Sani
KUALA LUMPUR, June 24 — The former Bar Council president wants Barisan Nasional (BN) to let the people and not the courts decide on Perak’s mentri besar.
“The answer is to go back to the people because the people will not be satisfied until they get their result and ultimately the power does belong to the people because once the people decides, everyone will accept it,” she said.
Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan was speaking at a public lecture here last night organised by the Chevening Alumni of Malaysia.
Ambiga added that BN would be able to get back much need credibility if the ruling coalition would go to the polls and drop all charges against Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
“Do the right thing, just do the right thing and immediately people will say that they are quite reasonable but when you force these issues which people can read… we are not stupid, you cannot insult the intelligence of the people to understand what is really happening,” she said.
Ambiga stressed that BN would only be able to get the results it wants in the next general election if it gave the people what they wanted.
“You may lose a little bit this time but you would have gained a lot more,” she said.
During the question-and-answer session later, British High Commissioner Boyd McCleary agreed with Ambiga’s position on Perak and believed that the government should not oppose the will of the people in Perak.
“It looks to me as though over there, we have ended up with a situation where the government seems to have opposed the will of the people and that is wrong.
“The way forward for this government is to go back to the polls because even if they lose that battle they can still win the war by demonstrating that is the right way to go.”
By Wong Choon Mei [Update3]
Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who in his eagerness to form a unity government with Pakatan Rakyat, had offered to accept any conditions set by PAS, is now regretting his words.
A day after the Pakatan rejected the offer to form a unity government with his Umno-BN, Muhyiddin has lashed out at the coalition, warning it not to underestimate his government.
“We know our position, we know our strength and, of course, we know our weaknesses. We are still the majority government so they might have their own ideas but it is okay,” Muhyiddin told reporters on Tuesday.
Sadly, his words do not bode well for future co-operation between the rival coalitions.
Although the Pakatan had decided against a unity government, it nevertheless offered to begin discussion with the Umno-BN on how they could improve the country together.
Key issues included reviving the economy, raising the quality of education and restoring the independence of the judiciary.
Indeed, with hindsight, the episode has backfired on the DPM and his boss Prime Minister Najib Razak.
The two had tried to shake the Pakatan trio of PKR, DAP and PAS with what they believed were savvy moves. But as the saying goes, what goes around comes around.
In fact, many still find Muhyiddin’s stunning offer incredible. After all, few matured people, much less the deputy president of Umno, would publicly throw caution to the winds as he did.
“We will not impose any conditions and we accept whatever terms set by PAS. As far as I am concerned, we have to be open,” the 62-year old Muhyiddin was quoted as saying by Bernama on Friday.
Nevertheless, he is now forced to echo Najib’s comments that the Pakatan’s rejection would not affect the Umno-BN’s governance of the country. Indeed, the coalition still has a sizeable majority in Parliament.
The DPM reiterated that Umno was already in the process of reforming itself.
“With the new prime minister and his 1 Malaysia, people first, performance now – all the various things that we have rolled out for the purposes of economic recovery and social justice, I think people will see that we are a serious government,” he said.
Tried to slip in a racist pact just to cling to power
Muhyiddin was also confident Umno would be able to regain lost ground in the next general election, due latest by 2013, even though PAS has announced it would stop all unity talks with his party.
“We have stated our intentions but if they are not interested, it is their choice. We are sincere, we never say one thing and do another,” he said.
“We were looking in terms of unity of the people and not just the Malay community. The proposal did not come from us so don’t twist facts and get angry with us, accusing us. That is not right.”
It must be pointed out that this is not true.
The issue of unity government was floated a year ago by both Umno and PAS. Since then PAS president Hadi Awang has spoken about it off and on, but has repeatedly said his party had no intention of leaving Pakatan.
It was Najib who last week revived interest in the matter by likening a tie-up with PAS as a courtship. Several days later, Muhyiddin followed up with the historic offer in the guise of Muslim unity.
However, political watchers and civil society leaders including ex-PM Mahathir Mohamad saw through their doublespeak.
They lambasted the duo for trying to form a Malay power pact with PAS – a move that would have sidelined the non-Malays in the country.
Said Mahathir: “We don’t even know the opinion of our own Umno members. Are we going to leave out our peers in Barisan to form a 100% bumiputra government? If we go ahead and do that, we are going to have a racial confrontation and that’s not healthy for the country.
“I think the country doesn’t want a 100% bumiputra government. We’ve always had a division of authority with Barisan’s component parties. Why must we abandon them just for the sake of forming a government that spells racism?”